Sunday, March 1, 2026

Iran's Long War on the West

 

Iran's Long War on the West: A Timeline of Hostility and Proxy Terrorism

(a concise summary via Grok)

Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Iran's regime has viewed the United States and its allies (especially Israel) as existential enemies. The new theocratic government under Ayatollah Khomeini labeled America the "Great Satan" and sought to export its revolution through violence, proxies, and anti-Western ideology. This has made Iran the foremost state sponsor of terrorism (designated by the U.S. since 1984).

The pattern: Iran uses the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and its elite Quds Force to fund, arm, train, and direct militant groups—allowing Tehran to strike enemies while maintaining plausible deniability and avoiding full-scale war.

Key Historical Milestones

  • 1979–1981: Iranian revolutionaries seize the U.S. Embassy in Tehran, holding 52 Americans hostage for 444 days. This sets the tone for decades of hostility.
  • 1983 Beirut Bombings: Iran-backed Hezbollah (created and directed by the IRGC) bombs the U.S. Embassy (63 killed, including 17 Americans) and Marine barracks (241 U.S. troops killed)—the deadliest day for U.S. Marines since Iwo Jima.
  • 1980s Lebanon Hostage Crisis: Iran-supported groups kidnap, torture, and kill Westerners, including CIA station chief William Buckley.
  • 1990s Global Attacks: Iran aids Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), and others in suicide bombings killing Americans and Israelis. The 1994 AMIA Jewish center bombing in Argentina (85 killed) is widely attributed to Iran/Hezbollah.
  • Post-9/11 Era: Iran arms Shia militias in Iraq with deadly EFPs (explosively formed penetrators), killing hundreds of U.S. troops. It also props up Assad in Syria via Hezbollah and militias.

Iran's "Axis of Resistance": Major Proxy Groups

Iran's network targets U.S., Israeli, and Saudi interests across the region:

  • Hezbollah (Lebanon) — Iran's most powerful proxy. Receives hundreds of millions annually in funding, weapons, and training. Key attacks: 1983 Beirut bombings, 2006 war with Israel, operations in Syria.
  • Hamas & Palestinian Islamic Jihad (Gaza) — Iran provides up to $100 million/year, rockets, and training. Used in attacks on Israel and to disrupt peace efforts.
  • Houthis (Yemen) — Armed with missiles, drones, and naval mines since the mid-2010s. Attacks on Saudi Arabia, Red Sea shipping, and U.S. interests escalated post-2023.
  • Iraqi Shia Militias (e.g., Kata'ib Hezbollah, Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq) — IRGC-directed groups launch rocket/drone attacks on U.S. bases (180+ incidents since 2020).

Ties to Al-Qaeda: A "Marriage of Convenience"

Despite deep Shia-Sunni ideological differences, Iran has maintained tactical cooperation with al-Qaeda for shared anti-U.S. goals:

  • Pre-9/11: The 9/11 Commission Report found Iran facilitated transit for al-Qaeda operatives (including some 9/11 hijackers) through its territory to/from Afghanistan. Hezbollah provided explosives training for the 1998 U.S. embassy bombings in Kenya/Tanzania (224 killed, including 12 Americans).
  • Post-9/11: Iran offered sanctuary to senior al-Qaeda leaders and families (e.g., Saif al-Adl, Abu al-Khayr al-Masri). U.S. Treasury designations (2011 onward) describe an "agreement" allowing al-Qaeda to use Iran as a transit hub for funds, fighters, and communications to South Asia/Syria.
  • Ongoing: Senior al-Qaeda figures operated from Iran under IRGC oversight. Releases in prisoner swaps (e.g., 2015) allowed some to rejoin the fight. Ties remain opportunistic—not a full alliance—but enable al-Qaeda to survive pressure.

Recent Escalations (2019–Present)

  • Direct Iranian missile strikes on U.S. bases (e.g., 2020 Ain al-Asad attack: 100+ U.S. troops with traumatic brain injuries).
  • Proxy attacks on U.S. forces in Iraq/Syria.
  • Houthi disruptions of global shipping and attacks tied to Iran's broader "Axis of Resistance" (Hezbollah, Hamas, militias).
  • Continued funding and weapons to proxies amid regional conflicts.

Why It Matters

Iran's strategy avoids direct conventional war while expanding influence, deterring attacks, and countering rivals (U.S., Israel, Saudi Arabia). This has fueled sanctions, proxy wars, and direct clashes. The U.S. labels Iran the world's leading state sponsor of terrorism for good reason.


Saturday, February 28, 2026

Butterfly victories

 Don't let expectations deny your victories. It's natural to have a strongly idealized view of cause and effect: -If this happens, then that will happen-. The expectation is strong for positive and for negative cases, but the real world is rarely that linear.

The problem is that once we do "this", it opens a multiverse of possible "thats". The more complex the problem, the more potential "thats" there will be. Some potential outcomes will be strongly correlated with the original expectation, but it will often be more of a butterfly effect. Sometimes we can see the dial moving in the right direction, and sometimes we don't appreciate what we've put in motion as progress.

Underestimating complexity is the norm for us. That's actually a good thing, and probably a necessary thing in the pursuit of real change. If most of us had a true grasp of the complexity of our goals, we'd never try. And trying is the only way to bring us closer to the horizon of success.

To be an agent of change requires an acceptance that change will have unanticipated aspects we don't like. If the change is necessary, so are the unintended consequences. If we allow those to completely obscure the positive changes, we can spiral into a mode of premature assumption of failure that makes eventual success impossible, or we may prolong the effort through throwing away progress by changing course too quickly.

Try. Expect hiccups. Look for any aspect of change that you can celebrate. Celebrate it. Move forward. Stay on mission. Don't make unnecessary enemies. Don't throw away unnecessary friends. The world is old. If all the problems were easy to solve, they'd be solved by now.

Iran's Eloi no more

The remarkable thing about the nature of Iran's war on the US is not Trump finally taking advantage of a perfect storm situation to remove one of the world's most destabilizing, threatening, and murderous elements. The remarkable thing is that no other President did, particularly after the collapse of the USSR.

The Iranian islamist regime was awash in American blood, and clear in its vocal thirst for more. The West has seemed content to play the Eloi to Iran's Morlock for nearly half a century. Cold war ties, new world order escapades, and Iran's possibly marginal total war capability undoubtedly dragged things out, but it seems like they've been allowed to punch well above their weight, terrorizing in their own region and beyond for too long.

I have to admit, I fully expected that we were about to witness another generation of Iranians die in a futile attempt to escape their tyranny, while we all just looked on hoping they would win, knowing they wouldn't. So many dead. Giving their leaders repeated offerings of ways to choose peace was a strictly western urge, and an insult to their victims. Their menu was always limited to fight now, or pretend now and fight later. They wrote the menu. Nothing we offered could change that. At least we didn't try the pallets of cash approach again.

Some things happen unilaterally, or they don't happen. Sometimes the time for that happening chooses itself. Hesitate, and it's gone for another fifty years. We must recognize the dangers of viewing everything from our biblically founded western perch and expecting reciprocation. We have a tendency to accept the suicide of the West as some kind of noble concession to history in an idealized misreading of our founders intent.

Observing the turmoil abroad, whether in the mullah's intention on our obliteration, the blooded self determination of the people of Iran, or the identity of the people of Britain, we confront our understanding of our role in existential crises. Embracing the asp to our bosom in the expectation that we will endear it to us is psychotic. We know it, but it was tried in all of these examples, and more. We are not generally prepared to deal with it as a people, and we don't seem to be learning from those who have. The ideal that results in surrender to evil, is not the ideal.


Monday, January 12, 2026

Iran, a conversation with Grok

Prompt: If the islamist regime in iran were to be replaced by a democracy, how transformative would it be for the middle east, Middle east/Western relations, and the situation with israel?

Grok: The replacement of Iran's current theocratic regime with a genuine democracy—assuming a stable transition without descending into civil war—could indeed be highly transformative across the queried dimensions, though outcomes would hinge on the nature of the new government, internal stability, and external influences. This is inherently speculative, drawing from historical precedents, expert analyses, and geopolitical patterns. Below, I'll break it down by area, highlighting potential positives while noting risks of short-term chaos or unintended consequences.

Impact on the Middle East

A democratic Iran could fundamentally reshape regional dynamics by removing a key driver of proxy conflicts and sectarian tensions. The current regime supports militias like Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthis in Yemen, and various groups in Iraq and Syria, fueling proxy wars that exacerbate Sunni-Shia divides and contribute to instability in those countries. A democratic shift might end this "Axis of Resistance" network, leading to de-escalation in ongoing conflicts, reduced terrorism sponsorship, and greater opportunities for economic cooperation among Gulf states, Turkey, and others. For instance, it could facilitate broader Arab-Iranian reconciliation, similar to how post-authoritarian transitions in other regions have opened doors to trade blocs. Experts argue this would eliminate the Middle East's "primary source of instability" and end the Sunni-Shia proxy war, with ripple effects surpassing any single peace deal or military action.

However, the transition itself carries risks: Iran's ethnic diversity (including Kurds, Azeris, Baloch, and Arabs) could lead to fragmentation, power vacuums, or civil strife if institutions collapse, potentially mirroring the chaos in post-Saddam Iraq or post-Gaddafi Libya. This might temporarily worsen regional instability, inviting interventions from powers like Russia, China, or even Sunni states wary of a Shia-majority democracy. Overall, the net effect could be profoundly positive in the long term if the new system emphasizes pluralism and territorial integrity, but short-term turmoil is a significant wildcard.

Impact on Middle East-Western Relations

This could be one of the most dramatic shifts, fostering normalization and alliance-building. Iran's population is largely pro-Western, with widespread opposition to the regime's anti-American ideology (estimated at around 80% in some polls). A democracy might prioritize economic integration, ending sanctions, and cooperating on issues like counterterrorism and energy security—turning Iran into a natural partner for the U.S., Europe, and allies. This could include joining international frameworks, boosting oil exports without ideological strings, and collaborating on climate or migration challenges. The West's historical support for democratic movements (e.g., via sanctions on regime elites or cyber tools) could pay dividends, avoiding past pitfalls of appeasement or invasion.

On the flip side, if the change is perceived as Western-orchestrated, it might breed resentment, as seen in interventions like Afghanistan. Ethnic or sectarian fallout could also draw in Western powers reluctantly, straining resources. Still, a stable democratic Iran would likely align more with Western interests than the current regime, potentially stabilizing energy markets and reducing the need for U.S. military presence in the Gulf.

Impact on the Situation with Israel

The transformation here could be game-changing, potentially ending decades of existential enmity. The regime's "Death to Israel" rhetoric and support for anti-Israel groups (e.g., Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad) drive much of the tension; a democracy might abandon this, recognizing Israel and pursuing diplomatic ties, especially if public sentiment (which is often less hostile than official policy) prevails. This could weaken Hezbollah and other proxies, easing pressures on Israel's borders and enabling progress on broader Arab-Israeli normalization, building on the Abraham Accords. In a best-case scenario, it removes Iran's role as a spoiler in Palestinian-Israeli peace talks and nuclear proliferation concerns.

Risks abound, though: A chaotic transition might empower hardline factions or create ungoverned spaces for new threats, indirectly endangering Israel via refugee flows or arms proliferation. Israel views Iran as an existential risk due to its nuclear ambitions and missiles, so while targeted actions against those might continue, full regime change is seen as "a bridge too far" that could exacerbate instability without guaranteeing security. If Iran fragments, splinter groups could still pose dangers, though a unified democracy would likely deprioritize confrontation.

In summary, while not a panacea, a democratic Iran could be one of the most positive geopolitical shifts in the region since the end of the Cold War, promoting stability, economic growth, and reduced hostilities—provided the transition avoids the pitfalls of internal division or external meddling. Historical analogies (e.g., Eastern Europe's post-Soviet democratizations) suggest optimism is warranted, but Iran's unique context adds uncertainty.

Friday, September 5, 2025

Conversation with Grok 3 on STAAR Testing and HB 8

Conversation with Grok 4 on STAAR Testing and HB 8

Date and Time: September 05, 2025, 10:28 AM CDT

User Question 1: What is the difference between last year's STAAR testing and the new system just put in place by the Texas legislature?

Grok 4 Response

The Texas Legislature passed House Bill 8 (HB 8) in late August 2025 during a special session, sending it to Governor Greg Abbott for signature. This bill replaces the longstanding STAAR (State of Texas Assessments of Academic Readiness) system with a new "through-year" assessment model, effective starting in the 2027-2028 school year. Last year's STAAR testing, referring to the 2024-2025 school year, used the traditional single end-of-year summative test format that has been in place for over a decade.

The primary goal of the new system is to shift from a one-time snapshot of student performance to ongoing measurement of academic growth, with faster feedback for educators and parents. It also aims to reduce overall testing burdens by shortening individual assessments and limiting redundant benchmark tests, though critics argue it could increase the frequency of high-stakes testing without fully addressing underlying issues.

Comparison of Old STAAR vs. New System

Aspect Old STAAR System (e.g., 2024-2025) New System (Starting 2027-2028)
Test Frequency One summative test per subject, administered at the end of the school year. Three shorter tests per subject: Beginning-of-Year (BOY), Middle-of-Year (MOY), and End-of-Year (EOY).
Test Length Typically 3+ hours per test, often requiring multiple days. Each test shortened (e.g., ~1.5 hours for EOY), designed to be completed in a single sitting.
Focus and Purpose Measures end-of-year achievement against grade-level standards; heavy emphasis on absolute proficiency. Emphasizes student growth and progress over the year; BOY and MOY are diagnostic, EOY remains summative but incorporates growth metrics into accountability.
Results Turnaround Often takes several weeks to months for full results and analysis. Available within 2 business days after each testing window.
Scoring and Reporting Results show if students approached, met, or mastered standards; percentile ranks optional. All results presented as percentile ranks (comparing to peers); EOY includes mastery levels; raw scores provided quickly.
Adaptivity and Options Fixed-format tests, no adaptivity; all districts use the same TEA-developed assessments. BOY and MOY can be adaptive; districts may opt for approved national norm-referenced tests at their own expense instead of TEA versions.
Specific Tests Affected Includes standalone writing assessments and end-of-course (EOC) exams like English II for graduation. Retains standalone writing (machine-scored with improved rescoring); eliminates English II EOC as a graduation requirement, but keeps others (e.g., English I, Algebra I, Biology). Restores 8th-grade social studies and U.S. History EOC via Senate amendment.
Accountability Integration Test scores heavily influence A-F school/district ratings; commissioner has authority to adjust standards. Introduces growth measures into A-F ratings; requires annual ratings (bans "Not Rated" designations); gives commissioner more flexibility to modify indicators annually, with some legislative oversight. Protects against lawsuits challenging ratings.
Teacher/Stakeholder Input Limited formal involvement in test design. Establishes a committee of 40 classroom teachers to review questions, rigor, and fairness. However, critics note the accountability advisory group has minimal educator/parent representation.
Additional Restrictions No statewide caps on benchmark/practice tests. Caps benchmark testing to reclaim instructional time; sets testing calendars and windows to minimize disruption.

Supporters, including bill authors Rep. Brad Buckley and Sen. Paul Bettencourt, claim the changes will reduce stress from "one test, one day" while enabling data-driven instruction. Opponents, particularly some Democrats and educator groups like Texas AFT, contend it triples testing volume, centralizes too much power with the Texas Education Agency (TEA), and fails to eliminate high-stakes elements. For the 2025-2026 and 2026-2027 school years, the old STAAR system will remain in use during the transition period.

User Question 2: What is the effect of HB8 on MAP testing?

Grok 4 Response

House Bill 8 (HB 8), passed by the Texas Legislature in late August 2025 and awaiting Governor Greg Abbott's signature as of early September 2025, significantly impacts the use of Measures of Academic Progress (MAP) testing in Texas public schools. MAP, a nationally norm-referenced adaptive assessment developed by NWEA, is commonly used by districts as a benchmark tool to monitor student growth in reading, math, and other subjects. While HB 8 does not explicitly name MAP, its provisions on benchmark testing and alternative assessments directly affect how and when MAP can be administered.

Immediate and Transitional Effects (2025-2027 School Years)

  • Ban on Local Benchmark Testing: Effective immediately upon the bill's signing (expected soon after passage), HB 8 prohibits districts from administering local benchmark or practice tests, including vendor-provided exams like MAP, to reduce over-testing and reclaim instructional time. This ban applies fully to grades 3-8, where no local benchmarks are allowed until the new system launches in 2027-2028. For high school (grades 9-12), districts are limited to no more than two benchmarks per tested subject per year before end-of-course exams.
  • Implications for MAP: Districts must cancel or suspend MAP administrations during this period if used as benchmarks, potentially leading to the termination of vendor contracts and a shift toward teacher-created quizzes or unit tests instead. Exemptions exist for certain diagnostic tests (e.g., for dyslexia) and state-required assessments, but MAP as a general benchmark falls under the prohibition. This addresses concerns over excessive testing, with some districts previously administering 10-12 benchmarks annually, but it may disrupt data-driven instruction in the interim.

Long-Term Effects (Starting 2027-2028 School Year)

  • Redefinition and Restrictions on Benchmarks: HB 8 redefines "benchmark assessment instrument" to explicitly include nationally norm-referenced tests like MAP, practice tests, and vendor-created assessments. Districts remain prohibited from administering unapproved benchmarks in grades 3-8, and limited to two per subject in other grades.
  • Options for Alternative Assessments: Under the new "instructionally supportive assessment program" replacing STAAR, districts can opt to use approved alternative norm-referenced tests in place of the Texas Education Agency's (TEA) beginning-of-year (BOY) and middle-of-year (MOY) assessments, at the district's expense. TEA must create and maintain a list of approved alternatives, and districts can submit tests (such as MAP) for inclusion. If approved, MAP could serve as a BOY or MOY test, providing faster, adaptive diagnostics aligned with the bill's focus on growth measurement.
  • Potential Benefits and Challenges: This could integrate MAP into the state system for districts already using it, reducing redundancy and supporting equitable access to quality diagnostics. However, approval is not guaranteed, and costs shift to districts, potentially disadvantaging lower-resourced ones. The end-of-year (EOY) test remains TEA-developed and summative, so MAP cannot replace it.
Aspect Pre-HB 8 (Current Use of MAP) Post-HB 8 (Transitional, 2025-2027) Post-HB 8 (2027-2028 Onward)
Administration Frequency Often multiple times per year as district benchmarks. Prohibited as benchmarks in grades 3-8; limited to 2 per subject in high school. Restricted; can only be used if approved as BOY/MOY alternative (up to 2/year in non-3-8 grades for other benchmarks).
Purpose Diagnostic growth tracking, STAAR prep. Shift to non-benchmark alternatives like classroom assessments. Potential integration as state-approved formative tool for growth focus.
Costs and Approval District-funded, no state approval needed. N/A (banned). District-funded; requires TEA approval for list inclusion.
Exemptions None specific. Dyslexia diagnostics, state-required tests. Same, plus approved alternatives.

Overall, HB 8 aims to curb "over-testing" by restricting MAP-like benchmarks in the short term while opening a pathway for their use in the new growth-oriented system, potentially enhancing instructional utility if MAP gains approval. Districts should monitor TEA's approval process for alternatives, as MAP's alignment with norm-referenced requirements makes it a strong candidate.

Saturday, August 16, 2025

Hard Bold Facts

In spite of being a broadly recognized desirable trait, Courage is rare. It's common for people to present boldness where they face no personal consequence, or even a real expectation of consequence. True boldness only comes with the expectation of a personal cost. It requires vulnerability, the possibility of sacrifice. In our extroverted world, being loud is often confused with being bold. Posturing for an echo chamber isn't bold, it's a plea for dopamine or, in some cases, votes.

One good thing about more people starting to wake up to the dysfunction in Texas politics is that they're finally paying attention at a little deeper level. What may not be so good because of that, for Texas politicians, is that people are starting to see through the veneer of bold words to the inconsistent actions of elected officials. Elected officials in Texas would do well to recognize that a shift is happening.

When people are only superficially paying attention to the actions of politicians, they are easy to gaslight or inspire with political theater. When people start paying closer attention, they are easy to enrage with attempts to manipulate them. People like authentic boldness. They hate being manipulated, no matter how theatrically.

In the quorum breaking episode that Texans have endured for the last month, we see some R politicians setting expectations that they will do things that they're not really capable of doing. We see some talk about doing minor things that are within their capability, but never quite happening. This kind of stuff worked for them in the past, but it's increasingly working against them now. That line between inspired and enraged is approaching. Politician beware.

For Texas republicans just catching on to the myth of the deep red Texas capitol, this is all a confusing mess. We have some great reps in the statehouse. We have some truly terrible reps in the statehouse. The bad ones know what to say to make conservative Texans vote for them. They've had a lot of practice. They're good at the theater of conservative politics. They don't expect you to pay close attention to state politics. Watch their actions.

 

Monday, August 11, 2025

American STEM Sell

Originally published in 2015, still relevant...

There was a time when I thought that having a bad day at work was pretty routine. Then I had one. The day I found myself sitting across the desk from the coworkers I had to give the news that they were being let go. Some were friends. Some did their jobs very well, some not so well. They asked the predictable questions. Why was I picked? What could I have done better? The business said “cut”, so we cut. They told us who to cut, so we cut them. They didn't give us answers to the predictable questions. Within a year the business would say “hire” and I would hire more engineers. Of course there was a moratorium on hiring anyone that had been laid off. Just one more turn of the wheel of corporate life.

Scenarios like the one described above have played out for over a million STEM workers in the United States over the past decade. If we look all the way back to 2000 we can add over a million more. And then there are the over 1.5 million aerospace and defense workers who lost jobs in the late 1980s and early 90s. Each time there was a very real impact on someone’s life, family, dreams, and plans. The more recent episodes have become a routine, well-choreographed, part of life driven not by paradigm shifts in technology or geopolitics, but by a high-tech industry with a laser like focus on maximizing shareholder value. The continual clamor for increasing the number of H-1B visas for the STEM sector is nothing more than one part of a cynical practice driven by quarterly accounting. I have worked in high-tech industries for 25 years. The US STEM worker shortage is an artifice. With the possible exception of a couple of years during the late 90s tech boom, there has never been a shortage of high-quality STEM workers in the United States. But the effects of that one shortage were profound and long lasting for the entire tech industry.

In the unprecedented demand for new high-tech workers during the tech boom competition for good employees was fierce and turnover was high. I witnessed engineers quitting a job, and becoming contractors for the same company at two times the income, without ever missing a day of work. In Silicon Valley stories of engineers changing employers multiple times a year to drive up salaries were common. Between 1995 and 2000 my salary doubled – at the same employer doing the same job. It was exciting to be in such high demand. Companies started doing some positive things to improve employee retention, but the bottom line was that the dynamics of the labor market were disruptive to business, and expensive. As a result, tech companies became increasingly creative in their efforts to stabilize the labor pool and control wages.

Offshore sites that had traditionally been focused on mass production or regional efforts for global US corporations were expanded into R&D centers, brand new sites were established, there were calls for increased H-1B visa limits to fill positions here in the states, and foreign job-shops stepped up competition against domestic contractors. Then, just when this high-tech human capital producing juggernaut hit full steam, the dot com boom came crashing to a halt. Why that juggernaut has continued charging through down-turn after down-turn and layoff after layoff is a question that demands an answer.

The main reason is probably just because it was there. Business leaders and managers had put substantial effort into creating new systems, processes, and organizations for ensuring the production bandwidth that a sustained technology boom would have required. It would have been unrealistic to assume that they would just scrap the new system and go back to the previous status-quo just because the demand for human capital had dropped off. And, to be fair, all of us had great hopes that the industry would rapidly shake off its slump and blast off again. Hopes that faded as new dynamics began taking shape.

What had been a deep domestic industry became a shallow industry spread across the globe. Tech support, software development, high-tech assembly, and manufacturing were among the first activities to make major moves offshore, but R&D would follow within a few years. As the high tide of the tech boom continued to recede, duplicate foreign and domestic efforts became unnecessary. Organizations that had their development activities divided between domestic and foreign teams found it expedient to grow offshore when growth was necessary and reduce at home when it was time to cut back. Just recently a situation was brought to my attention where a manager was encouraged to replace a departing engineer by growing an offshore team. From an operational perspective it makes more sense to replace the departing worker in the local team, but making that case to senior management can be career limiting.

There is frustration on both sides of the H-1B visa debate. That frustration has resulted in some common arguments that don’t hold up well under scrutiny. A frequent motive ascribed to corporate interest in hiring foreign workers is that visa holders are cheaper to hire. It is certainly true that hiring foreign workers to work in their home country can be much cheaper than hiring Americans to work in the United States. On the other hand, it is not universally true that foreign workers hired to work in the United States are cheaper than their US counterparts. It is definitely not the case among the major US corporations lobbying for increasing the number of STEM visas. The corporation I work for does not use different salary scales for full time US employees based on visa status or national origin. Graduates in the US on student visas are predominantly obtaining advanced degrees and start at a higher rate than US citizens that tend to compete for the same jobs with bachelor degrees. The typical H-1B visa holder is paid on par with his US citizen colleagues.

One of the common arguments against reducing the visa numbers is that we cut ourselves off from the best and brightest STEM talent the world has to offer. It is an absurd assertion in practice. In an ideal world, where hiring managers applied visa hiring in the spirit of the guidelines, the process might “average up” the quality of the labor pool. The guidelines stipulate that no suitable citizen be available for a job before it can be offered to a visa holder. But the guideline is not followed. Managers simply lie on the paperwork and nullify any perceived barrier to hiring foreign workers over citizens. It’s a routine practice, and bucking the routine can be another career limiting activity for a low or mid-level manager. The reality is that the industry does hire some excellent foreign STEM workers. We also hire a lot of average and poor H-1B visa holders. The process is simply not tailored to bringing the world’s Einsteins to America.

So if routine layoffs in the past few years demonstrate that there is not a shortage of STEM workers, and foreign visa applicants aren’t cheaper to hire than citizens, and visa applicants don’t offer a qualitative advantage, then what motivates the big tech companies to consistently expend effort lobbying Congress to increase visa numbers? The answer, again, is not as complicated as some might think. The same basic economics of supply and demand that drove wages up and increased talent competition in the 1990s, is now being applied by tech companies to maintain a permanent oversupply of STEM workers. Increasing the pool of candidates, well beyond industry demand, depresses the wages of the entire industry, not just the wages of visa holders. The value this approach offers to large corporations should not be understated. Every thousand dollars saved on an annual engineering salary may represent tens of millions of dollars for one of these large corporations. You can hire a good team of lobbyists with that kind of money. But to make the case for increasing the supply, some evidence of demand needs to be demonstrated. The complexities of the situation surround the activities that are necessary to keep the over-supply of labor from appearing completely disconnected with the domestic demand for STEM workers.

One way artificial demand is developed is to create an arbitrary bias for advanced degrees. For most entry level tech jobs an advanced degree offers no benefit over a bachelor degree. Foreign students are overrepresented in advanced degree programs due to immigration policy details. In my own experience as a hiring manager I have seen requests for bachelor graduates result in resume after resume from masters degree and PhD graduates, all requiring visa sponsorship. When questioned about it, the Staffing department seems baffled that a manager isn’t overjoyed at being offered a PhD graduate for the entry level position. Diversity efforts, ostensibly intended to help traditionally disadvantaged groups, have also been corrupted as a way to bias the hiring process toward H-1B visa candidates.

The oversupply of workers is heavily weighted toward the entry level. As a result there is a real motivation to focus hiring practices on less experienced workers, and there is a real incentive to move more expensive senior STEM workers out the door. In addition to limiting placement opportunities for new American graduates, the impact on more senior STEM workers has been devastating. When the salary difference between established STEM workers and college graduates can exceed fifty thousand dollars, you don’t have to cut many senior folks and replace them with new grads for it to quickly add up. Laying off a thousand engineers can easily add 20 or 30 million dollars to the bottom line, even if a thousand new hires are brought in to replace them. This is essentially the case in the tragic scenario at the beginning of this article. Companies with heavy focus on shareholder value have a clear incentive to engage in this practice - Wall Street consistently rewards the shareholders of companies that do so.

Layoffs are not rare in the tech industry. In the past decade they have been as common as the cries for more H-1B visas. It barely made a news cycle ripple when Microsoft laid-off 18,000 workers, and affected thousands of additional contractors in 2014 after having just joined with other tech giants in writing a letter to Congress calling for visa and green-card increases in 2013. Thankfully I’ve never had to ask a laid off engineer to train his replacement, but I have personally seen examples of the practice. In recent news there have been examples of companies tying severance packages to requirements that the laid off worker train their visa holding replacement before they leave. Middle aged engineers are increasingly likely to leave the STEM field after a layoff. The willingness to lose these experienced and knowledgeable STEM resources puts the lie to the cries of under supply.

We don’t hear news stories about large numbers of unemployed college graduates for a couple of different reasons. One reason is that the economy has been bad enough for the past several years that stories about people having trouble finding a job are not newsworthy. Another reason is that companies put considerable effort into making room for younger workers at the expense of older, more expensive, experienced employees. One of the side effects of moving from traditional pension plans to 401k based retirement plans is retirement mobility. Pension plans tend to accumulate very little benefit in the early years and ramp steeply toward the end of one’s career. Employees have a strong incentive to stay with a company long term under a pension plan. That incentive is reduced significantly where a 401k plan is substituted for the pension, but that dynamic works both ways. It is easier for companies to rationalize laying off older workers when they get to take their retirement savings with them. The missing part of the picture is the number of older laid-off STEM workers that take significant pay cuts to stay in their field, or finish their working years making substantially less in a completely different field. The older engineer that is working at Home Depot, teaching high-school math, or fixing cell-phones in the mall, has a different opinion about the visa system than the board members of America’s large tech corporations, and the lobbyists they hire. This is where the downside of increasing H-1B visa numbers is most strongly felt.

A 2014 US census survey summed up the situation pretty well – 74% of American workers with STEM degrees are not employed in a STEM field. There are a lot of reasons why people might decide not to work in the field they studied for, but 74% is an enormous number. These degrees are among the most difficult to attain, and those that pursue them frequently have a passion for the work. Many among this 74% would love to work in their field, but the laid off engineer that gets shut out for a year or two in an economic downturn, or the young parent that takes time off to nurture a pre-school child finds re-entry into their chosen field extremely difficult. In many cases there is no downside, no compromise, in hiring these experienced workers - the oversupply pipeline is just biased towards someone else. There is simply no shortage of American STEM workers, and there is no compromise of quality in hiring them.

There is some evidence that the “side effects” of the H-1B system were intentionally baked in at its origin. The system was established in 1990, in the midst of a widespread culling of Aerospace and Defense industry workers. There was clearly no shortage of STEM workers at the time. In the chorus of voices chiming in on immigration reform and visa issues, the voice of the American STEM worker is too easily lost in the din. There are no well-heeled lobbyists, no unions, and no special interest groups, interceding for the displaced American STEM worker.

US corporations certainly have legitimate responsibilities to their shareholders, and legitimate self-interest in maximizing profits. It is not reasonable for them to pursue those goals by lobbying government for immigration policies based on the false premise of a STEM worker shortage. Arguments could be made that the government may have a role to play in ensuring the competitiveness of US industry in the face of real shortages, but in the absence of those shortages, capitulating to calls for expanded visa quotas is just one more example of crony capitalism. Complicity in a system that arbitrarily throws the lives of American STEM workers into turmoil, or exiles the more experienced from their chosen profession is not a legitimate role of government. It’s time for the interests of Technology companies and the STEM workers they employ to be equally represented in Washington.